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ACCESS4ALL Group

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From India’s experience, one of the most effective policy frameworks in driving climate action has been the disaster preparedness system strengthened under the National Disaster Management Act (2005) and implemented through the Odisha State Disaster Management Authority, particularly demonstrated during Cyclone Fani in 2019. While not a climate policy in the narrow sense, it plays a critical role in climate adaptation. The success of Odisha’s response during Cyclone Fani, where nearly 1.2 million people were evacuated in advance, significantly reduced loss of life compared to earlier cyclones. The effectiveness came from strong institutional coordination, early warning systems, investment in cyclone shelters, community-based preparedness programs, and regular mock drills. Importantly, disaster preparedness was decentralized, involving local governments, volunteers, women’s self-help groups, and community networks. This combination of early warning, local engagement, and political commitment translated policy into real action on the ground.

However, some climate-related policies in India and other Global South countries have struggled to deliver intended outcomes. For example, various state-level climate action plans under the National Action Plan on Climate Change have faced implementation gaps. While well designed on paper, they often lack sustained financing, technical capacity, and strong monitoring mechanisms. Coordination between departments can be weak, and climate priorities sometimes get overshadowed by short-term development or political goals. At local levels, limited awareness and insufficient institutional capacity reduce effectiveness.

At the international level, frameworks such as the Paris Agreement are important because they create a global platform for cooperation and shared responsibility. However, they may not be sufficient to meet global climate goals. The Agreement relies largely on nationally determined contributions, which are voluntary and vary in ambition. Many developing countries face financial and technological constraints, while developed countries have not fully met climate finance commitments. Without stronger accountability and predictable finance flows, achieving the 1.5°C target remains challenging.

Political, economic, and social factors strongly shape the success of climate policies. Political leadership determines whether climate risks are prioritized. Economic constraints limit investment in adaptation infrastructure and clean energy transitions. Social factors such as poverty, inequality, and low awareness influence how communities engage with climate initiatives. In many Global South countries, immediate development needs such as employment, food security, and infrastructure compete with long-term climate planning.

Bangladesh’s climate policy experience offers valuable lessons for other countries in the Global South. Bangladesh has integrated climate adaptation into national development planning, invested heavily in disaster risk reduction, and created domestic financing mechanisms like the Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund. Its emphasis on early warning systems, community preparedness, and locally driven adaptation has significantly reduced disaster mortality despite high vulnerability. This shows that strong domestic ownership combined with community participation can produce meaningful resilience outcomes even with limited resources.

To bridge the policy–action gap, new approaches are needed. These could include strengthening local government capacity, ensuring predictable climate finance, integrating climate adaptation into mainstream development budgeting, improving monitoring and accountability systems, and expanding locally led adaptation models. Greater collaboration between national governments, communities, and the private sector can also help move from policy statements to measurable impact on the ground.

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Co-funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA). Neither the European Union nor EACEA can be held responsible for them.

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